From the May 2024 IBDP History Paper 3 exam
The Baader-Meinhof Group, later known as the Red Army Faction (RAF), posed significant political, social, and security challenges to West Germany during the 1970s and 1980s. Founded in 1970 by Andreas Baader, Gudrun Ensslin, Ulrike Meinhof, and others, the RAF emerged from a combination of left-wing radicalism, anti-imperialism, and opposition to perceived authoritarianism within the West German state. The group engaged in acts of domestic terrorism, including bombings, kidnappings, assassinations, and bank robberies, aiming to destabilise the Federal Republic of Germany. The challenges they posed were multifaceted, affecting internal security, public confidence in democratic institutions, and the country’s response to political extremism.
One of the primary challenges posed by the RAF was the threat to West Germany’s internal security. The group’s early actions, including the bombing of U.S. military installations and the 1972 attack on the headquarters of the Springer Press in Hamburg, demonstrated their capacity for coordinated violence. These attacks were motivated by anti-capitalist and anti-American sentiments, with the RAF portraying West Germany as a puppet state of U.S. imperialism. The most notorious phase of their activity, known as the "German Autumn" of 1977, highlighted the severity of the threat. During this period, the RAF kidnapped Hanns Martin Schleyer, a prominent industrialist and former SS officer, and later murdered him after failed negotiations with the government. The hijacking of Lufthansa Flight 181 by RAF sympathisers further intensified the crisis. The successful rescue operation by the GSG 9 counter-terrorism unit at Mogadishu ended the hijacking, but it exposed the vulnerabilities of West Germany’s security apparatus.
The RAF's actions created significant challenges for West Germany’s political leadership, particularly Chancellor Helmut Schmidt, who had to balance public safety with the protection of civil liberties. The government’s response included the introduction of emergency legislation, such as the Berufsverbot laws, which barred individuals with extremist affiliations from public sector employment. These measures, while aimed at preventing further terrorist activity, sparked controversy, with critics arguing that they infringed upon democratic freedoms and risked creating a more authoritarian state. Historians like Kundnani argue that the state’s response to the RAF revealed lingering authoritarian tendencies within West German institutions, raising questions about the country’s commitment to democratic principles. Conversely, Bering highlights that the government’s firm stance against terrorism was necessary to preserve the stability of the state and prevent the spread of extremist violence.
The RAF also posed a cultural and ideological challenge to West Germany. The group’s members, many of whom came from educated, middle-class backgrounds, represented a radical break from the traditional political landscape. Their actions reflected the broader countercultural movements of the 1960s and 1970s, which questioned the legitimacy of established institutions and opposed the perceived continuation of Nazi-era authoritarianism within West German society. The RAF framed their struggle as a continuation of anti-fascist resistance, accusing the West German government of perpetuating the legacies of the Third Reich. Meinhof’s writings frequently criticised the political establishment for its failure to confront the country’s Nazi past and for its alignment with capitalist and imperialist powers. This narrative resonated with segments of the student movement and leftist intellectuals, creating a complex challenge for the government, which had to address both the violence of the RAF and the underlying grievances that fuelled their support.
The challenges posed by the Red Army Faction (RAF) to West Germany went beyond physical violence and extended to the destabilisation of public confidence in democratic institutions and law enforcement. The RAF's campaign of violence, particularly during the 1970s, forced the government to adopt increasingly severe measures to maintain order. However, the state's reaction to the group often led to accusations of authoritarianism, creating a delicate balancing act between ensuring security and preserving democratic values. The West German government's efforts to suppress the RAF brought about significant public debate on civil liberties, the role of the state in combating terrorism, and the limits of democratic tolerance for dissent. These issues further complicated the challenge posed by the RAF, as the government struggled to maintain legitimacy while dealing with an unprecedented domestic threat.
One of the most profound challenges the RAF posed was to the legal and judicial system of West Germany. In an attempt to counter the group's activities, the government implemented new anti-terrorism legislation, including measures that expanded police powers and allowed for the surveillance and detention of suspected terrorists. The 1976 Contact Ban Law (Kontaktsperregesetz) was one such measure, which aimed to isolate imprisoned RAF members from outside influence by restricting their communication with the outside world. This law was heavily criticised by human rights advocates and left-wing activists, who viewed it as a violation of prisoners' rights and a dangerous encroachment on civil liberties. Legal scholars such as Stern argued that these emergency measures, while necessary to address the immediate threat, risked undermining the rule of law by granting the state excessive power over individuals. Conversely, Hoffmann contended that the measures were justified, given the unprecedented nature of the RAF's violent campaign, which required extraordinary responses to protect the public and prevent further bloodshed.
The RAF's tactics also exposed weaknesses in West Germany's law enforcement agencies and intelligence services. The group's ability to evade capture and carry out high-profile attacks revealed significant gaps in the country's counter-terrorism capabilities. The failure to prevent the assassination of key figures, such as Federal Prosecutor Siegfried Buback in 1977, highlighted the challenges faced by law enforcement in anticipating and thwarting RAF operations. This situation prompted the government to establish specialised counter-terrorism units, such as the GSG 9, which played a crucial role in ending the Lufthansa hijacking. The establishment of such units marked a turning point in West Germany's approach to dealing with terrorism, as the state recognised the need for a more proactive and professional response to the evolving threat posed by groups like the RAF.
Moreover, the RAF’s ideological challenge extended to West Germany’s international image, particularly in the context of the Cold War. The group's anti-capitalist and anti-imperialist rhetoric aligned with broader left-wing movements in Europe and attracted sympathy from radical factions abroad. The RAF established connections with other terrorist groups, such as the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine (PFLP), and received logistical support from Eastern Bloc intelligence agencies, including the Stasi in East Germany. These connections complicated West Germany’s relations with both its Western allies and its communist adversaries. The government’s crackdown on the RAF was closely monitored by both the United States and the Soviet Union, as it revealed the internal vulnerabilities of one of NATO’s key members. The RAF’s activities were seen as a potential threat to Western stability, further intensifying the ideological conflict of the Cold War.
The ideological challenge posed by the Red Army Faction (RAF) extended beyond violence and deeply impacted West Germany’s political discourse, particularly concerning the nation’s post-war identity and its ability to confront the legacies of the Nazi era. RAF members often framed their actions as part of a broader anti-fascist struggle, claiming that the West German state perpetuated authoritarian structures inherited from the Third Reich. This narrative resonated with segments of the left-wing intellectual community, especially among students who were disillusioned with the perceived failure of the government to address historical continuities between Nazi Germany and the post-war democratic state.
The RAF’s leaders, particularly Ulrike Meinhof, criticised the West German government for its integration of former Nazi officials into public office. Meinhof frequently cited examples of ex-Nazi bureaucrats holding prominent positions within the judiciary, police, and civil service. She argued that the state’s unwillingness to confront its past created a moral vacuum, allowing the same oppressive structures to persist under a democratic guise. The case of Hans Globke, a high-ranking official in the Adenauer administration who had been involved in drafting Nazi racial laws, became a symbolic example of this continuity. Critics like Meinhof used Globke’s role to argue that the West German government lacked legitimacy and was complicit in maintaining authoritarian practices.
This narrative created a significant cultural challenge for the government, as it struggled to counter the RAF’s appeal among segments of the youth and intellectual community. The 1968 student movement, which had already criticised the state for its perceived authoritarian tendencies, provided fertile ground for RAF propaganda. The group’s critiques of capitalism, imperialism, and state repression resonated with those disillusioned by the Vietnam War, the influence of U.S. foreign policy, and the perceived exploitation of developing nations by Western powers. The RAF’s rhetoric positioned itself as part of a global revolutionary movement, linking its actions to struggles in Latin America, Africa, and Asia. This internationalist perspective made it more difficult for the West German government to portray the RAF as an isolated domestic issue, as their message had broader ideological appeal.
The government’s attempts to delegitimise the RAF through media campaigns and legal measures had mixed success. The state-run media frequently portrayed the group as criminals and murderers, aiming to erode public sympathy for their cause. However, these efforts were complicated by incidents where government actions appeared heavy-handed or authoritarian. The death of key RAF leaders—Andreas Baader, Gudrun Ensslin, and Jan-Carl Raspe—in Stammheim Prison in 1977 remains a controversial event. Officially ruled as suicides, these deaths fuelled conspiracy theories that the state had executed them, further complicating the government’s narrative. Historians like Aust argue that the state’s handling of the RAF crisis revealed a lack of transparency and accountability, which undermined public trust in democratic institutions.
The RAF’s activities and the government’s responses left a lasting impact on West Germany’s political landscape. The challenges they posed forced the state to confront issues of civil liberties, state authority, and historical accountability. By the late 1980s, the RAF had lost much of its support, and its violent tactics were widely condemned. However, the debates they ignited about democracy, justice, and the legacies of the past continued to shape German political discourse long after the group’s decline.
The Red Army Faction (RAF) posed one of the most serious internal threats to West Germany’s stability, challenging the state on multiple levels through its violent tactics and radical ideology. The group’s actions, including bombings, kidnappings, and assassinations, exposed significant vulnerabilities in the country’s internal security apparatus, forcing the government to adopt emergency measures and expand police powers. These legislative responses, while aimed at countering terrorism, raised concerns about the erosion of civil liberties and highlighted the delicate balance between safeguarding democracy and protecting public order. The RAF’s ideological challenge was equally significant, as it sought to undermine the legitimacy of the West German government by accusing it of perpetuating authoritarian structures inherited from the Nazi era. This narrative resonated with segments of the youth and intellectual community, complicating the government’s efforts to delegitimise the group. Furthermore, the RAF’s connections to international revolutionary movements and support from Eastern Bloc states added a geopolitical dimension to their challenge, intensifying Cold War tensions. Although the group eventually lost public support and disbanded in the 1990s, the debates it sparked about state authority, democratic accountability, and historical continuity remained relevant in German political discourse. Ultimately, the RAF’s campaign forced West Germany to confront its internal contradictions and grapple with the limits of democratic tolerance in the face of violent extremism, leaving a lasting impact on the nation’s political and cultural identity.
The Red Army Faction ( RAF ) was aleft-wing extremist terrorist organizationin theFederal Republic of Germany. It was responsible for 33 murders of political, business and administrative leaders, their drivers,police officers,customs officialsand American soldiers, as well as for theSchleyer kidnapping, theStockholm hostage-takingand several bomb attacks that left over 200 people injured. RAF logo: aHK MP5submachine gun in front of ared star The RAF, which sees itself as acommunist,anti-imperialist urban guerrillafollowing the South American model, similar to thatTupamarosinUruguay, was founded in 1970 byAndreas Baader,Gudrun Ensslin,Horst Mahler,Ulrike Meinhofand other people. In 1998 it declared its self-dissolution. A series of attacks in September and October 1977, known as "Offensive 77", which was intended to force the release of imprisoned first-generation RAF members, led to a crisis in the Federal Republic of Germany known asthe "German Autumn". It ended with the suicides of the imprisoned leaders of the first generation of the RAF in theStuttgart prisonon the so-callednight of death in Stammheim. Various attacks by the late RAF, including nine murders, remain unsolved to this day. The RAF committed its last murder in 1991 and its last attack in 1993. In June 2011, the last RAF member was released from prison. In 2024,Daniela Klettewas caught after a decades-long manhunt and is currently in custody. Two former members are still being sought. The confrontation with the RAF had significant sociopolitical consequences. It led to the development ofdragnet searchesand the passing of a series ofanti-terror lawsby theGerman Bundestag. The events are the basis of a large number of non-fiction books, television documentaries, feature films, plays and novels, published both at home and abroad. Table of contents overview The RAF was initially called the "Baader-Meinhof Gang" or the Baader-Meinhof Group . Since the mid-1970s, the name they chose themselves, which refers to the SovietRed Army, the "Red Army Faction" has been in use. [ 1 ] In addition to the pronunciation of the abbreviation[ɛʁ aː ɛf],one also hears the bound pronunciation [ʁaːf] . Three generations can be distinguished, between which there was little or no personnel continuity. They also differ in terms of organizational structures and changes in theory and practice. Nevertheless, the generation model represents a simplification. The number of members of the so-called hard core of all three generations active in theundergroundwas about 60 to 80 people in the 1970s to the 1990s. During the entire period, 914 people were convicted ofsupportingthe RAF and 517 ofmembership . [ 2 ] In their terrorist attacks or hostage-taking, RAF members murdered 33 people and injured more than 200. A shootout that took place inZurichin 1979 between police officers and members of the RAF resulted in the death of passerby Edith Kletzhandels. In retrospect, it was not possible to determine whether the fatal projectile came from the police or the RAF. For this reason, Kletzhandlung is often counted as the 34th victim of the RAF. [ 3 ] In addition, 27 members and sympathizersof the RAF died during the period of its existence . Twelve of them were shot, five died in explosions, seven committed suicide, one died of a tumor, and two died in a traffic accident. [ 4 ] The police mistakenly shot four innocent people during attempts to arrest them. In 2007, Der Spiegelestimated the value of the material damage caused by RAF attacks at the equivalent of 250 million euros. [ 5 ] The laws passed between 1974 and 1977 in response to the RAF crimes committed on the personal rightsof all German citizens and are still in force today. 26 RAF members were sentenced tolife imprisonment. [ 5 ] Requests for pardons regularly led to heated debates in the German public about how to deal with the former terrorists. [ 6 ] In June 2011,Birgit Hogefeld,the last former member, was released from prison. [ 7 ] Two former members are still being sought today:Burkhard GarwegandErnst-Volker Staub. The whereabouts of three others are unknown:Ingeborg BarzandAngela Lutherhave been missing since 1972,Friederike Krabbesince 2003. The arrest warrants have been lifted.Daniela Klettewas arrested inBerlin-Kreuzbergin February 2024. [ 8 ] See also :Timeline Red Army Faction See also :List of Red Army Faction fatalities See also :List of members of the Red Army Faction prehistory The Nazi past of Chancellor Kurt Georg Kiesinger and the passing of the emergency laws led to protests in 1968. In the 1960s, a generation grew up in the Federal Republic of Germany that viewed their parents' behavior during theNazi eracritical. Many are also fundamentally questionedcapitalism,parliamentary democracyand bourgeois lifestyles. [ 9 ] Reinforced by the Americancivil rights movementand theVietnam War, parts of society developed a negative attitude towards the politics of theUnited States. In the major university cities of Western Europe, student demonstrations against US policy took place, during which other topics were often discussed as well. TheWest German student movement of the 1960shad a formative influence on the RAF. With it emerged theextra-parliamentary opposition(APO). A significant part of the APO's criticism was directed against theemergency laws, which were passed on May 30, 1968 by the firstgrand coalitionin the German Bundestag and added an emergency constitution to theBasic Law. Massive protests were rejected by both major parties and could not prevent the law from being passed. The past of Chancellor Kurt Georg Kiesinger , who had been a member of the NSDAP and an employee of the Foreign Office during the National Socialist era, also polarized opinion. This led to the action of Beate Klarsfeld , who slapped Kiesinger in the face in front of running television cameras on November 7, 1968 at the CDU party conference in Berlin and called him a "Nazi". When the student Benno Ohnesorg was shot by the police officer Karl-Heinz Kurras duringa demonstration on 2 June 1967 in West Berlinagainst theShahof Persia,Mohammad Reza Pahlavi, this represented a turning point. Attempts by the authorities to cover up the incident further escalated the already tense situation. [ 10 ] On April 11, 1968, one of the movement's spokesmen, Rudi Dutschke , was assassinated , but he was seriously injured and barely survived. From 1969 onwards, however, the APO began to break up into many groups, some of which were fiercely divided. The more politicized young people perceived the end of the movement as a defeat and tried to realize their political ideals in other ways. Many became members of the Social Democratic Party of Germany (SPD) or tried to march through the institutions in other ways . In the years that followed, a militant part of the protest movement developed, from which the first generation of the RAF and later the 2nd ofJune Movement(1972), theRevolutionary Cells(1973) and theRote Zora(1977 at the latest) developed. [ 11 ] The RAF saw itself as part of internationalanti-imperialismand was of the opinion that the "armed struggle" against so-called "US imperialism" had to be waged in Western Europe as well. In the first few years, its operations were tactically based on those of theguerrillasin South America. [ 12 ] Parts of the former student movement, theK-groupsand other circles of the population initially showed sympathy for the group. This was expressed in support campaigns and a widespread, semi-legal support logistics, especially through theRote Hilfe. The list of prominent defenders of the first generation is also an indication of this. Due to its radicalism, the second generation had largely lost this basis and operated even further removed from the socio-political developments in the Federal Republic. story arson attacks in 1968 Ulrike Meinhof as a young journalist in 1964. She founded the RAF in 1970 with Andreas Baader, Gudrun Ensslin and Horst Mahler. Following the strategic discussions in the student movement about the legitimacy of "violence against things", Andreas Baader, Gudrun Ensslin,Thorwald ProllandHorst Söhnlein set fires in two Frankfurt department storeson April 2, 1968, using time fuses to protest against the Vietnam War. The fires caused damage of 673,204 DM. The arsonists were caught on April 4 and subsequently sentenced to three yearsin prisoneach . During the trial against the four arsonists, the future leadership of the first RAF generation came together directly.Horst Mahlerrepresented the defendants as a lawyer andUlrike Meinhoftook part in the trial as a columnist for the magazinekonkret as a reporter. [ 13 ] After the convicted men had applied foran appealto theFederal Court of Justice, they were initially released. After the application was rejected, Baader and Ensslin went into hiding and, together with their lawyer Mahler, decided to form an urban guerrilla group based on the Latin American model. [ 14 ] However, this plan was initially thwarted by the arrest of Baader, the leading member of the group. The police had arrested him during a fake traffic check following a tip-off from thesecret service 's undercover agent PeterUrbach. Urbach, who was nicknamed "S-Bahn Peter", was at the time an important provider and supplier of weapons and bombs for people in the left-wing Berlin scene, whose services were also used by Baader and Mahler. The exact role he played in the formation of the RAF has not yet been fully clarified. [ 15 ] Mahler claims to have received his first pistol, a 9 mmBrowningwith ammunition, from him. [ 16 ] First Generation Bomb attack on the Terrace Club behind the headquarters of the V US Corps in Frankfurt am Main in May 1972 Baader, Raspe and Meins were arrested on June 1, 1972 in front of this apartment building at Hofeckweg 2–4 in Frankfurt am Main. There was an exchange of gunfire in which police fired over 300 shots. The later Federal Minister of the Interior Otto Schily, here in Bonn in 1983, was Gudrun Ensslin's defense attorney in theStammheim trialfrom 1975 to 1977. Stuttgart-Stammheim Prison. Photo from 2004 In one such hiding place in the files, lawyers smuggled three firearms into the high-security wing of the prison. Grave of Andreas Baader, Gudrun Ensslin and Jan-Carl Raspe at the Dornhaldenfriedhof in Stuttgart There was no formal founding of the RAF. The first action – and thus the birth of the RAF – is considered to be theliberation of Baaderon May 14, 1970. Andreas Baader had been taken to theGerman Central Institute for Social QuestionsinBerlinbecause the journalist Ulrike Meinhof had given the pretext that she wanted to write a book with him about children in a home. On this occasion he was liberated using force and the institute employee Georg Linke was seriously injured by a shot. According to later statements, particularly from those involved in the crimeAstrid ProllandMonika Berberich, the liberators had planned a different course of action. Ulrike Meinhof was not supposed to flee with the perpetrators and go underground, but was supposed to remain at the crime scene. After the unplanned shootout had taken place, leaving one person seriously injured, Meinhof, according to these reports, spontaneously joined the refugees. After Baader's release, theFederal Criminal Police Office(BKA) began to search for the Baader-Meinhof group, which initially comprised about 20 people, and no longer just for individuals. [ 13 ] On June 5, 1970, the group's first public programmatic statement, "Build the Red Army!", appeared in the magazineAgit 883. [ 17 ] On 15 June 1970, an interview conducted by journalistMichèle Ray with the people in hiding appeared in DerSpiegel, in which they justified the violent liberation of Baader and once again announced the founding of the group. [ 18 ] From June to August 1970, Andreas Baader, Gudrun Ensslin, Ulrike Meinhof, Horst Mahler,Peter Homann,Brigitte Asdonkand about a dozen other people stayed in aPalestinian Fatahcamp inJordan, where they received basic training in weapons skills, shooting, unarmed combat, throwing hand grenades, making explosives and combat tactics. This enabled the group to organize its operations in the Federal Republic and represented a milestone in the development of terrorism, as it was the first time that a terrorist group had trained another with different goals and different nationalities. [ 19 ] [ 20 ] During its development phase, the Baader-Meinhof group initially attracted the attention of the state through severalbank robberies, vehicle thefts and document thefts, the main aim of which was to maintain life underground. For example, on September 29, 1970, in the so-called "three-way attack", at least 16 people in Berlin robbed three banks simultaneously and stole over 209,000 DM. (According to other sources, the group was only responsible for two robberies . [ 21 ] ) On October 9, 1970, the police arrested Horst Mahler,Irene Goergens,Ingrid Schubert, Brigitte Asdonk and Monika Berberich at Knesebeckstrasse 89 in Berlin for the robberies. In April 1971, the RAF went public with the strategy paper "The Urban Guerrilla Concept". [ 22 ] In it, the group referred to itself for the first time as the Red Army Faction and used the symbol of the red star with a submachine gun. [ 23 ] Shortly afterwards, the manhunt for the group, which had previously been concentrated on West Berlin, was expanded and intensified across the entire federal territory.Wanted posterswere used and displayed publicly in every police station. As announced in the documents, the members of the RAF reacted to attempts at arrest with armed resistance. Soon there were fatalities on both sides. [ 22 ] [ 24 ] RAF memberPetra Schelmwas shot on July 15, 1971, and police officersNorbert SchmidandHerbert Schoneron October 22 and December 22 of the same year. On March 1, 1972, a bystander was killed for the first time. Police officers shot seventeen-year-old apprenticeRichard Eppleafter he had fled from a traffic checkpoint. The officer later said that he had thought he was a member of the RAF. In 1972, the RAF launched its so-calledMay Offensive. Four people were killed in six bomb attacks and over 70 were injured. On May 11, 1972, Baader, Ensslin and others carried out a bomb attack on the headquarters of theV Corps of the American armed forcesin Frankfurt am Main. Lieutenant ColonelPaul A. Bloomquistwas killed and thirteen people were injured. [ 25 ] On May 12, 1972, there were attacks on police facilities inAugsburgandMunich, in which 17 people were injured, some seriously. [ 20 ] On May 15, 1972, a bomb attached to the car of the investigating judge at the Federal Court of Justice Wolfgang Buddenbergexploded when his wife started the car. She was seriously injured. On May 19, 1972, the "June 2nd Commando" carried out a bomb attack on theAxel Springer AGpublishing building inHamburg. Of the five bombs placed in the building, four exploded, injuring 38 people, some seriously. [ 26 ] [ 27 ] [ 28 ] On May 24, there was a bomb attack on the headquarters of the7th US ArmyinHeidelberg. Two vehicles with a total of 120 kilograms of explosives were parked on the premises. Three American soldiers were killed and five other people were seriously injured. After this series of attacks, theFederal Criminal Police Officesignificantly increased the search for the perpetrators. On May 31, 1972, the so-called "Operation Water Strike" took place - thousands of police officers and customs officials simultaneously set up roadblocks on almost all federal roads and motorway ramps, which caused traffic chaos and initially did not lead to any arrests . The following day, however, Baader, Raspe andHolger Meinswere caught when they tried to pick up vehicles from a garage in Frankfurt am Main. After Raspe had been arrested, Baader and Meins barricaded themselves in the garage for over two hours until there was an exchange of gunfire in which the police fired over 300 shots. Mine remained unharmed and turned himself in to the police, wearing only his underwear as requested. Baader was shot and arrested. [ 13 ] Ensslin was arrested a week later in Hamburg after a saleswoman noticed a firearm in her handbag. Ulrike Meinhof was caught by the police a few days laterLangenhagennearHanoverafter the teacherFritz Rodewaldhad first taken her in at his apartment and then informed the police. Thus, by the end of June 1972, the entire leadership of the first RAF generation was in custody. In prison, the terrorists described their conditions as "isolation torture" or "extermination detention" and demanded, among other things, that they be abolished and that they be givenprisoner of warstatus . To support their demands, they went on hunger strike a total of ten times, as a result of which Holger Meins died inWittlich prisonon November 9, 1974. Meins' "martyrdom" became a central element of the RAF's communication strategy as apparent proof of the state's "extermination detention". [ 29 ] After Meins' death, more than 5,000 people gathered in Berlin despite a ban on demonstrations.Rudi Dutschke, the former head of the student movement, also traveled to the funeral in Hamburg. Although he had often taken a stand against the RAF in his writings, he clenched his fist at the open grave and shouted: "Holger, the fight goes on!" [ 30 ] A group of 32 supporters under the name "Committee Against Torture", many of whom later joined the RAF, occupied the Hamburg office ofAmnesty International on 30 October 1974. [ 31 ] The organization, for its part, criticized the prison conditions assolitary confinementand officially complained to Federal Justice MinisterHans-Jochen Vogel(SPD), who, however, rejected the allegations. [ 32 ] During the course of 1973, the most important RAF prisoners were brought together on the seventh floor of the Stuttgart-Stammheim prison and brought to trial in a building specially built next to the prison, the so-called multi-purpose hall. The construction costs amounted to around twelve million DM. Contrary to the usual regulations, men and women and criminals who were accused together had the opportunity to speak to each other for hours almost every day. From this point on, at least, there can no longer be any talk of the prisoners being isolated. In fact, the prisoners enjoyed significantly more privileges than other prisoners. According to the current state of research, it has been proven that the second generation of the RAF was led out of prison by the imprisoned first generation with the help of lawyers until 1977. [ 13 ] In 1974, the RAF expelled its founding member Horst Mahler. The following year, he renounced terrorism. In 1980, he was released early after serving two-thirds of his prison sentence for bank robbery and prisoner release. Mahler later repeatedly appeared asan anti-Semite,Holocaust denierandneo-Naziand was sentenced to long prison terms several times forincitement. The activities of the prisoners, with the help of their defense lawyers such as the lawyersKlaus CroissantandSiegfried Haag, who were later accused themselves , also generated a broader response in the left-wing scene. The lawyers of the first RAF generation included the laterGreenparty politiciansOtto Schily,Hans-Christian StröbeleandRupert von Plottnitzas well asHans Heinz Heldmann. The French philosopherJean-Paul Sartreintervened publicly and tried to mediate in the dispute over the RAF prisoners. After Ulrike Meinhof initiated contact, he visited the Stuttgart prison on December 4, 1974. Since Baader did not speak French,Daniel Cohn-Benditacted as interpreter during the conversation. The RAF's aim was for Sartre to publicly show his solidarity with their goals. He was also supposed to confirm the inhumane prison conditions claimed by the RAF in the form of alleged "isolation torture" and "extermination detention". This attempt failed. Sartre later had to admit that he had not seen Baader's cells. After the conversation, Baader had the impression that Sartre had not understood him. In contrast, Sartre expressed his impression of Baader to Cohn-Bendit after the visit with the sentence: "What an asshole, this Baader." [ 33 ] [ 34 ] The London pastorPaul Oestreicherwas also called in as a clergyman by Hans-Jochen Vogel in 1974 to persuade the prisoners Baader, Ensslin and Meinhof to give up their hunger strike. [ 35 ] The claim of solitary confinement did not correspond to the facts. [ 36 ] In December 1974, theGerman Bundestagpassed new laws for the first time, which were justified by the threat posed by the RAF. By amending the Code ofCriminal Procedure, the maximum number ofdefense attorneyswas limited to three, the simultaneous defense of several defendants was prohibited, the exclusion of individual defense attorneys by the court was made possible, and a trial was allowed to continue without a defendant if the defendant was responsible for his owninability to stand trial . [ 13 ] [ 37 ] In 1976, a new criminal offense was created:membership in a terrorist organization. In 1977, theContact Ban Actmade it possible to temporarily prohibit conversations between defense attorneys and prisoners. [ 13 ] In May 1975, the arrested men were charged and in April 1977, after 192 days of trial in theStammheim trial,they were sentenced to life imprisonment for murder, among other things. Ulrike Meinhof had already been sentenced to eight years imprisonment on November 29, 1974 for her involvement in the Baader liberation. [ 38 ] [ 39 ] Leading members of the first generation died in 1976 and 1977 in the high-security wing of the Stuttgart prison. On May 9, 1976, Ulrike Meinhof hanged herself from the cell window with a towel torn into strips. After the second RAF generation's attempt to force the release of the remaining prisoners in the so-called German Autumn failed, Andreas Baader, Gudrun Ensslin and Jan-Carl Raspe committed suicide in the so-called night of death in Stammheim on 18 October 1977. Raspe and Baader shot themselves with weapons that had been smuggled in by the lawyersArndt MüllerandArmin Newerla . [ 40 ] [ 41 ] Ensslin hanged herself using a cable. Irmgard Möller inflicted four stab wounds in the heart region with the prison's own cutlery knife, but these were not fatal, and survived. [ 42 ] [ 43 ] [ 44 ] [ 45 ] To this day, Möller denies that there was any agreement to commit suicide and, in line with widespreadconspiracy theories, speaks of state-ordered murders. [ 46 ] [ 47 ] A few weeks later, on November 12, 1977, RAF founding memberIngrid Schuberthanged herself in her cell inMunich prison. Publications from 2007 show that the RAF prisoners in the Stuttgart prison were also monitored during the German Autumn of 1977 and immediately before and possibly even during the night of the deaths in Stammheim. Officials, however, deny that the authorities knew about the firearms in the high-security wing. Second Generation Federal Chancellor Helmut Schmidt (SPD) on July 13, 1977. He did not give in during the German Autumn of 1977, which was marked by RAF terror. The hostages in a hijacked Lufthansa plane were freed by the Federal Border Police, and the kidnapped Hanns Martin Schleyer was murdered by the RAF. Federal Prosecutor General Siegfried Buback, here in 1976. His murder was the beginning of the year of terror in 1977. Employers' President Hanns Martin Schleyer, here in 1973. His kidnapping was the central event of the German Autumn. He was kidnapped in September 1977, held captive for six weeks and murdered. Return of the rescued 90 hostages of the hijacked plane "Landshut". October 1977 On August 25, 1977, an attack on the Federal Prosecutor's Office in Karlsruhe failed because the RAF's homemade rocket launcher did not work. Today it is on display in theHouse of Historyin Bonn. On July 25, 1978, the Lower Saxony Office for the Protection of the Constitution blew aholein the outer wall of the Celle prison to fake an RAF escape attempt. The then NATO Supreme Commander in Europe and later US Secretary of State,Alexander M. Haig Jr., here in January 1981. He survived a bomb attack by the second generation of the RAF in 1979. On August 31, 1981, the RAF carried out a bomb attack on the headquarters of the US Air Forces in Europe in Ramstein. The second generation was formed after the arrest of a large part of the first generation, whose writings and statements from prison had a great propaganda effect in left-wing circles. Many of the members of the second generation came from theSocialist Patients' Collective,founded on February 12, 1970 , or were recruited by the lawyers of the first generation,Siegfried HaagandKlaus Croissant, who later went underground themselves. [ 48 ] The group around Siegfried Haag and Roland Mayer was referred to in the media as the "Haag-Mayer Gang". On February 27, 1975, three days before the election of theBerlin House of Representatives, members of the 2 June Movement took theCDU's leading candidate,Peter Lorenz, hostage. The kidnappers demanded the release of imprisoned terrorists, including members of the RAF. The federal government gave in to the blackmail and flewVerena Becker,Gabriele Kröcher-Tiedemann,Ingrid Siepmann,Rolf HeißlerandRolf PohletoAdeninYemen; in return, Lorenz was released on March 4, 1975. The fact that four of the five released prisoners later became terrorists again encouraged the federal government not to enter into negotiations with terrorists again. [ 49 ] Following this development, the release of the imprisoned RAF founders became the most important, if not only, goal of the second generation. On April 24, 1975, six RAF terrorists occupied parts of the West German embassy in Stockholm during theStockholm hostage crisisand demanded the release of 26 prisoners from German prisons, including the RAF leadership. Those involved included Hanna Krabbe , Karl-Heinz Dellwo , Lutz Taufer , Bernhard Rössner , Ulrich Wessel and Siegfried Hausner , who had been recruited by Andreas Baader's lawyer Siegfried Haag. After the murder of two diplomats by the embassy occupiers, the hostage crisis ended chaotically because an explosive device planted by the terrorists accidentally detonated and set the entire building on fire. The terrorists Wessel and Hausner died as a result of the explosion. The remaining hostages were able to escape during the fire, and the four surviving perpetrators were arrested. [ 50 ] On November 30, 1976, the police also arrested Siegfried Haag and found the so-called "Haag-Mayer papers." These contained plans for the series of attacks in 1977. However, the investigators were unable to decode the coded papers in time. [ 51 ] After Haag's arrest, Brigitte Mohnhaupt,who had just been released from prison, took over the leadership of the second generation of the RAF. On January 5, 1977,Christian KlarandGünter Sonnenbergwere stopped as they crossed the border into Switzerland nearRiehen. This led to a shootout in which a border guard was seriously injured. The two men then managed to escape. [ 52 ] On April 7, 1977, theFederal Prosecutor General Siegfried Buback, his driver Wolfgang Göbel and the head of the Federal Prosecutor's Office's motor pool Georg Wurster were shot dead in their car from a motorcycle in Karlsruhe. The perpetrators have not been identified this day. [ 53 ] On July 30, 1977, the murder ofJürgen Ponto, then spokesman for the board of theDresdner Bank, followed . RAF memberSusanne Albrechtwas personally acquainted with the banker, so he received her in his private house on Oberhochstadter Straße inOberursel. Susanne Albrecht, Brigitte Mohnhaupt and Christian Klar appeared in Ponto's villa to kidnap him. When he resisted, Klar and Mohnhaupt shot Ponto five times, who later died in hospital. The three perpetrators fled in a car driven byPeter-Jürgen Boock. [ 54 ] On August 25, 1977, an attack on the building of the Federal Prosecutor's Office in Karlsruhe failed. [ 55 ] In the so-called German Autumn of September and October 1977, left-wing terrorism in Germany reached its peak. On September 5, 1977, the President of the Federal Association of Employers,Hanns Martin Schleyer, was kidnapped in Cologneand held captive until October 18, 1977. In order to capture Schleyer, the kidnappers shot his driver and three bodyguards. The aim was once again to release the imprisoned members of the first generation of the RAF. ChancellorHelmut Schmidt(SPD) then called together the so-calledGreat Crisis Team, which included members of all parliamentary groups in the Bundestag and which effectively took over the government until the end of the crisis. In October 1977, theContact Ban Actpassed the Bundestag, making it possible to prohibit conversations between prisoners and their lawyers. Because the federal government did not respond to the hijackers' demands, the Lufthansa plane "Landshut"was hijacked on October 13, 1977. A commando from the PalestinianPopular Front for the Liberation of Palestine(PFLP), which was cooperating with the RAF, took control of the plane with 91 people on board. After several stopovers, the Landshut landed inMogadishu, the capital ofSomalia . There, the GSG 9 special unitof theFederal Border Policeforcibly ended the hostage-taking on October 18, 1977, at around midnight CET. All 90 hostages were freed unharmed in this operation, but three of the four terrorists were killed. CaptainJürgen Schumannhad previously been shot by the leader of the terrorist group during one of the stopovers. A few hours after the release of the airplane hostages, the imprisoned RAF leadership committed collective suicide on the night of death in Stammheim. Hanns Martin Schleyer was shot on October 18, 1977, when his kidnappers learned of the prisoners' deaths. His body was found on October 19, 1977 inMulhouse, France . Apart from a controversial statement by Peter-Jürgen Bock, there is still no indication of who murdered Schleyer. [ 56 ] In 1978, there was an event that was initially linked to the RAF, but was proven to have been staged by the state: the so-calledCelle Hole. On 25 July 1978, theLower Saxony Office for the Protection of the Constitution blew a hole in the outer wall of the Celle prisonto fake an escape attempt and planted escape tools on the inmate, suspected RAF memberSigurd Debus. The secret service allegedly wanted to use this to infiltrate undercover agents into the RAF. Journalists revealed the true background in 1986, which led to the establishment of an investigative committee in theLower Saxony state parliamentand contributed to the resignation of the Lower Saxony Interior MinisterWilfried Hasselmann(CDU). [ 57 ] On May 11, 1978, Brigitte Mohnhaupt, Peter-Jürgen Boock,Sieglinde HofmannandRolf Clemens Wagnerwere arrested inZagreb,Yugoslavia, but were allowed to leave for a country of their choice in November after the German government refused to exchange eight exiled Croats. They left forSouth Yemen. On the morning of June 25, 1979, the RAF carried out an attack onNATO Supreme Commander in Europeand later US Secretary of StateAlexander Haigas he was on his way to work at theSupreme Headquarters Allied Powers EuropeinMons,Belgium. The terrorists had filled a pipe running under the road with explosives and detonated the charge as Haig's motorcade passed the spot. Although his Mercedes was hit and destroyed, Haig and his driver were able to get to safety unharmed. On November 19, 1979, four RAF members attacked a branch of the Swiss Volksbank in Zurich. They fled to the train station on stolen bicycles, where a shootout broke out. A passerby was killed and a policeman was seriously injured.Rolf Clemens Wagnerwas arrested the same day in downtown Zurich. [ 58 ] In 1980, a Swiss court sentenced him to life imprisonment for this attack and the murder that occurred during it. He served this sentence in Germany. [ 59 ] On April 16, 1981, suspected RAF member Sigurd Debus died in Hamburg-Fuhlsbüttel prison as a result of a hunger strike and forced feeding. The eighth collective hunger strike of imprisoned RAF members, in which 68 prisoners had taken part, was subsequently called off. It is not yet clear whether Debus was actually a member of the RAF and whether his hunger strike or errors in treatment led by prison doctors to his death. On August 31, 1981, the RAF carried out a bomb attack on theheadquarters of the US Air Forces in Europe in RamsteinThere were 14 injuries. On September 15, 1981, RAF members carried out an attack on the commander-in-chief of the US land forces in Europe, General Frederick James Kroesen, inHeidelberg , in which four people were injured, some seriously. Christian Klar had fired an RPG-7 anti-tank missile at Kroesen's armored service car . On October 26, 1982, one of 18 RAF underground depots was found in a forest nearbyHeusenstammin Hesse. There are now doubts about the official version that this happened by chance through mushroom pickers. Whether statements by imprisoned RAF members or a coincidence led to the discovery is controversial and the subject of current research. [ 60 ] It later emerged that this was the RAF's central depot. It was located approximately at50° 3′ 54.4″ N,8° 45′ 55.1″ E. In addition to weapons, identification documents and cash, references to almost all other underground depots, secret apartments and hiding places were found and these could also be deciphered. The police guarded depots and apartments for months and by 1984 had arrested the most important RAF members of the second generation, including Brigitte Mohnhaupt and Christian Klar , who were considered the heads of the group. The RAF's logistics in the Federal Republic were then largely destroyed. The internal balance of the RAF from 1978 to 1984 is marked by life underground and the pressure of being wanted. Many group members were in the Middle East and other places at one time. The members who were constantly living in secret underground could hardly find safe quarters in the Federal Republic and were gradually arrested. Ten so-calledRAF dropoutswent into hiding in the GDR with the help of theMinistry for State Security(MfS) , and some of them lived there for ten years under false identities. Before German reunification, in June 1990, they were exposed, arrested, extradited to the Federal Republic, and most of them sentenced to prison terms. [ 61 ] In the early 1980s, several RAF members received military training during stays of several weeks in the GDR. It is unclear whether Christian Klar and others learned how to handle armor-piercing weapons, which were later used in attacks, or whether they merely demonstrated how to do so. It is certain that Klar fired a rocket launcher at a Mercedes-Benz car in the presence of GDR officers. How far the MfS's support went beyond this is unclear and is the subject of research. [ 62 ] third generation Detlev Karsten Rohwedder, President of the Treuhandanstalt. He was murdered by an RAF sniper in 1991. Bad Kleinen train station. On June 27, 1993, a police officer and RAF member Wolfgang Grams died duringan arrest attempt. Federal Minister of the Interior Rudolf Seiters (CDU). He resigned following the GSG-9 operation in Bad Kleinen. In a document published in May 1982, often called the "May Paper," the RAF announced a change in its objectives. The focus was no longer on the "Big Hole," ie the release of imprisoned members, but on precisely planned attacks and cooperation with other Western European left-wing extremist terrorist groups, such asAction Directein France, theBrigate Rossein Italy, and theCellules Communistes Combattantesin Belgium. The third generation of the RAF, which was formed around 1983 and, according to information from theFederal Office for the Protection of the Constitution,consisted of up to 20 people and 250 supporters, is held responsible for carrying out acts ofsabotageand several assassination attempts, which claimed the lives of prominent figures from German politics and business. [ 63 ] [ 64 ] The members of the third generation of the RAF are hardly known. The Federal Prosecutor's Office knows the names of less than half of its members. OnlyWolfgang GramsandBirgit Hogefeldare indisputably assigned to the command level. Of the ten murders between 1985 and 1993, the perpetrator of only one is known. Unlike in the 1970s, the RAF was isolated even within the radical left. In 1992, journalistsGerhard Wisnewski,Wolfgang Landgraeberand Ekkehard Sieker presented – first in a television report on theMonitorprogram, and later in book form – the controversial theory of theRAF phantom. According to this theory, the murders attributed to the third generation were not committed by the RAF, but bysecret services . These suspicions are generally regarded as conspiracy theories. [ 65 ] On the morning of February 1, 1985, two people shotErnst Zimmermann , one of the managing directors of MTU Motoren- und Turbinen-Union München GmbH, which was involved in armaments production , in his house. The identity of the perpetrators is still unknown. [ 66 ] On August 7, 1985, the US soldierEdward Pimentalwas lured out of a bar byBirgit Hogefeld and hours later murdered by an unknown RAF member with a shot in the back of the head in order to get his identification card. On August 8, 1985, a male RAF member used the card to get into the Rhein-Main Air Baseand park a car as a bomb. In the subsequentbomb attack on the Rhein-Main Air Base,a US soldier and a civilian employee were killed and 23 people were injured. The letters claiming responsibility bore the emblems of the RAF and Action Directe. Pimental's murder was heavily criticized in the left-wing scene because, as a simple soldier who had been targeted by the terrorists simply because of his access authorization to the air force base, he did not fit the enemy image. When the outrage continued, the RAF described the murder as a "mistake" five months later. [ 67 ] On July 9, 1986,SiemensmanagerKarl Heinz Beckurtsand his chauffeur Eckhard Groppler were killed inStraßlachin a bomb attack by the RAF's "Kommando Mara Cagol". The perpetrators have not been conclusively identified, butHorst Ludwig Meyeris suspected of being involved in the crime. He was killed in a shootout with policeVienna in 1999. [ 68 ] On October 10, 1986, the diplomat in the Foreign OfficeGerold von Braunmühlwas shot dead by two people in front of his residenceBonn-Ippendorf. Here, too, the perpetrators are still unknown. [ 69 ] On November 30, 1989, a bomb on a prepared bicycle on the side of the road inBad Homburgkilled the head ofDeutsche Bank,Alfred Herrhausen. His chauffeur suffered minor injuries, and the people responsible could not be identified. [ 70 ] (seeassassination attempt on Alfred Herrhausen) On February 25, 1990, there was a failed bomb attack on the Deutsche Bank 'sEschborn Technical Center . A VW Golf that had been converted into a bomb did not explode because the timer failed. Hair belonging to Daniela Klette was found in this car. [ 71 ] On 27 July 1990, State Secretary Hans Neuselsurvived a bomb attack by the RAF "Jose Manuel Sevillano Commando" on his car at the Bonn-Auerberg motorway exit. [ 72 ] On February 13, 1991, at the height of theGulf War, several people with three rifles shot fromKönigswinteracross the Rhine at the US embassy inSchloss Deichmannsaue, Bonn. Of the more than 250 shots fired, around 60 hit the building. In a letter of confession left at the crime scene, the RAF referred to the "US-NATO genocide" in Iraq. A hair was found in the getaway car, which years later was attributed to Daniela Klette. [ 73 ] On April 1, 1991, an RAF sniper murdered the president of theTreuhandanstalt,Detlev Karsten Rohwedder, inDüsseldorf-Niederkassel. His wife was injured. Once again, the perpetrator or perpetrators could not be identified. The gun had already been used in Bonn in February. Ten years later, the Federal Criminal Police Office reported that aDNA analysisof hair found at the crime scene suggested that Wolfgang Grams was a possible participant. The value of the analysis was criticized. At the beginning of 1992, Federal Justice MinisterKlaus Kinkel(FDP) offered the RAF prisoners release from prison if they refrained from further actions. [ 74 ] The RAF indirectly responded to this and declared that it wanted to "take back the escalation". Today it is known that the so-called Kinkel Initiative triggered a rift among the RAF prisoners. Brigitte Mohnhaupt and others rejected the offer. Karl-Heinz Dellwo, Lutz Taufer and others wanted to accept it. [ 75 ] On the night of March 26-27, 1993, the RAF carried out its lastbomb attack on Weiterstadt prison. Over 200 kilograms of explosives destroyed three accommodation buildings and the administrative wing of the prison under construction. The rest of the facility was badly damaged. No one was injured. The material damage amounted to 80 to 90 million DM. The opening of the prison was delayed until 1997. Initially, only Wolfgang Grams and Birgit Hogefeld were suspected. [ 76 ] Based on DNA traces, Daniela Klette, Ernst-Volker StaubandBurkhard Garwegare now considered other possible perpetrators . [ 77 ] On June 27, 1993, aGSG-9 operationtook place in Bad Kleinen to arrest Wolfgang Grams and Birgit Hogefeld. The undercover agentKlaus Steinmetz, who had come into contact with the current RAF command level, had met with Hogefeld, and Grams joined them. Although over 100 police officers, including almost 40GSG-9officers and the undercover agent, were present, it was not possible to arrest Grams in an orderly manner. While Hogefeld was arrested in the station underpass, Grams fled to platform 4/5. There he started a shootout, killing the 26-year-old GSG-9 officer Michael Newrzella and seriously wounding another officer. Grams himself died from a point-blank shot to the head. The circumstances of his death are disputed. Witness statements suggested that Grams, who had fallen onto track 4, had been shot in an execution-style manner, while the Schwerin public prosecutor's office - after several court investigations - came to the conclusion that Grams had most likely shot himself in a hopeless situation . False statements and inadequate evidence collection led to a public crisis of confidence in the security authorities. As a result, Federal Minister of the InteriorRudolf Seiters(CDU) resigned from his post. Federal Prosecutor GeneralAlexander von Stahlalso lost his post. Justice MinisterSabine Leutheusser-Schnarrenberger(FDP) placed him on temporary retirement on July 6, 1993. Dissolution in 1998 and the period afterwards On 20 April 1998,Reutersin Cologne received an eight-page letter, sent fromChemnitz and classified as authentic, in which the RAF announced its dissolution. [ 78 ] It states: “Almost 28 years ago, on May 14, 1970, the RAF was founded in a liberation operation. Today we are ending this project. The urban guerrilla in the form of the RAF is now history.” [ 79 ] The declaration ends with a commemoration of the dead from the ranks of the terrorists, a list of 26 people from the June 2nd Movement, the Revolutionary Cells, the RAF and their circles. The33 RAF victimsare not mentioned in this declaration, but at the beginning of the text the choice of Hanns Martin Schleyer as a victim is justified again and as an example. Since the declaration, the group has not appeared again. The search for suspected former members also continued.Andrea Klumpand Horst Ludwig Meyer were arrested by the Austrian police in September 1999. Meyer was killed in an exchange of gunfire. Although Klump was convicted of terrorist acts, the accusation of membership in the RAF could not be proven and is still denied to this day. After a robbery of an armored car inDuisburgin July 1999, during which traces of the wanted Ernst-Volker Staub and Daniela Klette were found, fears arose that the RAF could re-establish itself as a "fourth generation" and fall back on its former structures. [ 80 ] The arrest warrant against Staub and Klette was then expanded by the Federal Court of Justice to include the suspicion of forming a new terrorist organization. [ 81 ] Klette, Staub and Burkhard Garweg, who is also wanted, are said to have been involved in two further failed robberies of armored cars in June 2015Stuhr-Groß Mackenstedtand in December 2015 inWolfsburg, as well as in a successful robbery in June 2016Cremlingen. [ 82 ] [ 83 ] According to the Verden public prosecutor's office and the RAF expertsButz PetersandKlaus Pflieger, there is nothing to indicate a terrorist background in the recent acts, but rather they were merely intended to raise money for life in the underground. [ 84 ] [ 85 ] At the beginning of February 2024, the police again launched apublic searchfor the whereabouts of Klette, Staub and Garweg. [ 86 ] Part of this was an appeal in theZDFprogramAktenzeichen XY ... ungelöst. After the broadcast, around 250 tips were submitted. [ 87 ] On February 26, 2024, Daniela Klette was arrested inBerlin-Kreuzberg . [ 88 ] She is said to have lived here asa subtenantfor around twenty years without the landlord's permission. [ 89 ] ideology Document disguised as a traffic code by RAF co-founder Horst Mahler from 1971. It contains the text "Close the gaps in revolutionary theory - build the Red Army!" There were repeated solidarity actions for the imprisoned members of the RAF. TheCDUaccused the ruling coalition ofSPDandFDPof trivializing terrorism. Poster from 1977 with a photo of the assassination attempt on Buback Student leaderRudi Dutschkeoften condemned the terror of the RAF in his writings, but in 1974 he attended the funeral of RAF member Holger Meins and shouted at his grave "Holger, the fight goes on!" The RAF developed theoretical systems of meaning to empower itself for its actions and to legitimize its actions. Contemporary historianPetra Terhoevenpoints out that these systems of meaning were never consistent and that the "RAF brand" was characterized byeclecticism, which not only affected the ideology but also the style of self-presentation. [ 90 ] There are about 40 major statements from the first generation of the RAF, which came in the form of interviews, statements made at court hearings, so-called cell circulars, ie documents that were passed on among the imprisoned RAF members, and self-incriminating letters after terrorist attacks.Maoisttendencies can be detected in the ideological sections, especially those by Horst Mahler and Ulrike Meinhof. The members of the RAF were strongly involved with theneo-Marxismof theFrankfurt School, although the representatives of this movement firmly distanced themselves from terrorism. [ 91 ] The RAF authors opposed the state apparatus of the then Federal Republic of Germany, which they described as the "system," and accused Western European societies offascisttendencies, as the student APO had done before them. In particular, they denounced Germany's allegedly unresolved and still-effective National Socialist past. Researchers therefore also see the RAF as a reaction to the perceived illiberal state actions in West Germany in the 1960s and 1970s. [ 12 ] The RAF's writings hardly played any role in public discussion. This also applies in part to critical statements such as the text by theGöttingen Mescaleroabout the Buback assassination or a television interviewwith Daniel Cohn-Benditon ARD about the murder of Schleyer. Such contributions were usually not clearly distinguished from the RAF's writings and were sometimes even considered to be the positions of terrorist sympathizers. Leading left-wing intellectuals of the time condemned the theory and practice of the RAF. In his diaries, for example,Rudi Dutschkespoke of “RAF stupidity” and said: “The negative effects of the RAF shit are evident in many places, CDU/CSU in particular, government in general and RAF shit in particular seem to be married: to inhibit the politicsclass struggle !” – Rudi Dutschke [ 92 ] After the RAF's attack on the West German embassy in Stockholm,Herbert Marcuse, whose writings had had a strong influence on the student movement, gave an interview to ARD. When asked whether the RAF could not refer to him and whether the terrorists were politically motivated, he replied: "I still consider myself a Marxist. Marxism rejects terror... individual terror and terror of small groups without a mass base as a revolutionary weapon... Subjectively, it can be assumed that they consider and have considered their action to be a political action. Objectively, that is not the case. If political action deliberately leads to the sacrifice of innocents, then that is precisely the point where political action, subjectively political action, turns into crime." – Herbert Marcuse [ 93 ] Research only partially takes the RAF's statements seriously. According to journalist Karin Wieland, the terrorists' actions did not serve the purposes they had propagated, but were primarily a form of self-assurance. [ 94 ] Political scientistWolfgang Kraushaaradmits that the global justification of "anti-imperialism" did exist, but that the RAF did not reflect on "what the respective deeds and actions should have meant in the concrete political landscape of the Federal Republic". The members of the group were simply indifferent to this. [ 95 ] First Writings The first generation – especially the former journalist Ulrike Meinhof – justified their own radicalism in several writings, including four polemics that were written after a long group discussion. On June 5, 1970, the first public programmatic statement of the RAF was published in the magazine Agit 883: "Build the Red Army! " [ 17 ] On the same day, Ulrike Meinhof, Horst Mahler, Andreas Baader and Gudrun Ensslin met in Berlin in a secret meeting with the French journalistMichèle Ray. [ 18 ] On a tape, the words of whichDer Spiegellater printed in “unedited excerpts”, Meinhof stated: "We say, of course, that the cops are pigs, we say that the guy in uniform is a pig, that he is not a human being, and that is how we have to deal with him. That means we have no right to talk to him, and it is wrong to talk to these people at all, and of course they can shoot." – Ulrike Meinhof [ 96 ] Meinhof justified the liberation of Baader and the start of the armed struggle and dealt with the critical reactions within the left. She stated: "The intellectual left has largely rejected the action." This criticism can be ignored because "one must come to political cooperation [...] with that part of the proletariat that receives no reward for [...] allowing itself to be exploited." Meinhof criticized: "[...] the left [have] understood that the revolution will not be made by them, but by the proletariat, that they must therefore go into the factories and into the neighborhoods and that organization must take place. But we are of "The opinion that organizing the proletariat is a bogeyman if we do not simultaneously start doing what we are doing now, namely building the Red Army." This is the name under which the group operated from then on. The word "faction" was added a short time later. The RAF later did not recognize the tape interview in The Urban Guerrilla Concept as a statement by the entire group. “The Urban Guerrilla Concept” – April 1971 One year after Building the Red Army!, the RAF's first detailed position paper, The Urban Guerrilla Concept , was published. [ 22 ] The fourteen-page document was sent to left-wing groups and individuals. It is divided into six sections and contains a comprehensive justification for the "resumption of armed struggle". The first section, Concrete answers to concrete questions , justifies the armed liberation of Baader. It is declared that the time for armed struggle is now ripe. It says: "We claim that the organization of armed resistance groups at this time in the Federal Republic and West Berlin is right, possible and justified. That it is right, possible and justified to engage in urban guerrilla warfare here and now. That the armed struggle as 'the highest form ofMarxism-Leninism'(Mao) can and must be started now, that without it there can be no anti-imperialist struggle in the metropolises." It also deals with the manhunt pressure that the group has been subjected to since the start of this fight. The shootings during arrest attempts are addressed: "On May 14, just as in Frankfurt, where two of us ran away when they were about to be arrested because we wouldn't let ourselves be arrested - the cops shot first. The cops fired targeted shots each time. Sometimes we didn' t shoot at all, and when we did, we didn't aim: in Berlin, in Nuremberg, in Frankfurt. This is provable because it is true. ) is not under orders are shot at. If a cop lets us go, we let him go." [ 22 ] In the second section, Metropole Federal Republic , it is said that thesocial-liberal coalitionis absorbing the discontent of the extra-parliamentary opposition. Through development and military aid, the Federal Republic of Germany is involved in US wars and thus profits from the exploitation of theThird World. In the third section, Student Revolt, the RAF explains that the student movement is its prehistory. It collapsed because it was unable to develop a practice that was appropriate to its goals. In the fourth section, Primacy of Practice , there is talk of a strategy that unifies the working class. The prerequisite for the unification process is the "revolutionary initiative" and the "practical revolutionary intervention of the avant-garde". Furthermore, proletarian internationalism is mentioned and thedictatorship of the proletariatis announced. The conclusion of this section is the assessment that it is now time for armed struggle. The fifth section on urban guerrilla warfare refers to South American guerrilla fighters, particularly the Tupamaros in Uruguay. Weak revolutionary forces, as in South America, are only capable of guerrilla tactics. It literally states that the urban guerrilla concept aims to "destroy the state apparatus of power at individual points, to render it ineffective in places, to destroy the myth of the omnipresence of the system and its invulnerability." In the sixth section, Legality and Illegality, Ulrike Meinhof deals with the then popular thesis "Destroy what destroys you". She warns against blind actionism and the hasty abandonment of legality. She goes on to describe the RAF as a link between legal and illegal forces and between resistance groups from all other countries. The RAF is the immediate revolutionary intervention, a contribution to the communist world revolution. "The duty of a revolutionary is to always fight, to fight in spite of everything, to fight to the death - there is no revolutionary struggle and there has never been one whose morality has not been this: Russia, China, Cuba, Algeria, Palestine, Vietnam [...] We will not talk about armed propaganda, we will do it." In summary, the first RAF document focuses on the clear separation from the enemy, the state. The armed struggle from the underground is justified and ideologically underpinned. The RAF sees itself as the pioneer of an international communist movement. It says: "... because we are communists and it depends on whether the communists organize and fight, whether terror and repression only cause fear and resignation or provoke resistance and class hatred and solidarity, whether everything here goes smoothly in the spirit of imperialism or not. " Two months after the urban guerrilla concept, the paperClosing the gaps in revolutionary theory - Building the Red Army was published in Berlin in June 1971. Horst Mahler wrote the 65-page paper while in prison and in it he describes "armed struggle as the highest form of class struggle" because the "property -owning classes" had secured "determining influence on the levers of state power". The prerequisite for the "revolution of the masses" was "weaning people from obedience to the bourgeois legal order". After Mahler was expelled from the RAF in June 1974, the group no longer recognized this text as one of its own. [ 97 ] “Urban Guerrilla and Class Struggle” – April 1972 18 months later, in April 1972, the sixty-page paper Red Army Faction –Urban GuerrillaandClass Strugglewas sent out across Germany. The author was Ulrike Meinhof. In the foreword, Meinhof glorifies the deaths of the group members and supporters Petra Schelm, Georg von RauchandThomas Weisbecker,who were shot during the RAF manhunt . He literally says: "Petra, Georg and Thomas died in the fight against dying in the service of the exploiters. They were murdered so that capital could continue to murder undisturbed and so that people would continue to think that nothing could be done about it. But the fight has only just begun!" Meinhof attempts to prove the connection between exploitation and politics in three chapters. In all chapters it is claimed that more and more people are dissatisfied with the capitalist system, which is expressed in ever greater acts of resistance. Meinhof repeatedly speaks about the importance of practice, ie of armed struggle. He literally says: "At the present stage of history, no one can deny that an armed group, however small, has a better chance of becoming a great popular army than a group that limits itself to proclaiming revolutionary doctrines." In the fourth section, On Current Issues, the subject ofbetrayalis addressed. Traitors should be excluded from the revolution, even if they are "poor bastards". What exactly is meant by this remains unclear. The RAF's bank robberies are then justified and described as "expropriation actions". In the final sentences, Meinhof apologizes to sympathizers that the RAF has so far been concerned with logistical development and has not started any "popular actions". This is just a matter of time, she announces. The text ends with a few slogans such as "Serve the people!", "Build the revolutionary guerrilla!" and "Victory for the people's war!" The so-called second RAF pamphlet is characterized by life underground. Treason had become the topic. Karl-Heinz Ruhland andPeter Homannhad left the group and given extensive testimony. Meinhof's appeal for solidarity is a sign that it was becoming increasingly difficult for the group to find quarters in 1972. Their justification of the bank robberies is a kind of response to criticism of these actions that was emerging on the left. The sympathizers, who now finally wanted to see "popular actions," were urged to be patient. “The Black September Action in Munich” – November 1972 Half a year later, in November 1972, the third RAF publication, "Red Army Faction - The Action of Black September in Munich - On the Strategy of the Anti-Imperialist Struggle", was published. [ 98 ] The author was again Ulrike Meinhof. She commented on the Munich hostage-takingon September 5, 1972 , in which eleven hostages died: “The action ofBlack Septembermade the nature of imperialist rule and the anti-imperialist struggle transparent and recognizable in a way that no revolutionary action in West Germany or West Berlin had ever been done before. “It was simultaneously anti-imperialist, anti-fascist and internationalist.” [ 98 ] Meinhof claimed that the West German left could rediscover its political identity in light of this action. The text is divided into four sections – Imperialism , Opportunism , Fascism and The Anti-Imperialist Action . Meinhof denounces “themultinational corporations” that supported wars against theThird World. In the second part, she deals with Marx research and calls the left-wing professorOskar Negtto opportunist. He had previously criticized the RAF actions as “apolitical”. Meinhof repeatedly praises the Munich murders in this text. The text ends with the sentence: “The action of Black September will no longer be erased from the memory of the anti-imperialist struggle.” [ 98 ] She does not blame the hostage takers for the deaths, but the state ofIsrael, which "burned up its athletes like the Nazis burned up the Jews - fuel for the imperialist extermination policy". In other places, too, she equates Israel with theNazi state, when she writes of "Israel's Nazifascism"or of"Moshe Dayanfascism - thisHimmlerof Israel". [ 98 ] The entire text reflects Meinhof's resignation and anger. She wrote it shortly after her arrest in September and October 1972 in her cell in Cologne. It was here that the idea of forcing arrested members to be released through terrorist acts first appeared. The Palestinian terrorists had demanded Meinhof's release in Munich and that of Palestinians imprisoned in Israel. [ 99 ] Meinhof adopted this approach. In 1977, the 600-page bookTexte: der RAFwas published, a compilation of writings, self-accusing letters and trial statements. “Guerrilla, Resistance and Anti-Imperialist Front” – May 1982 In May 1982, a twenty-page policy paper entitled Guerrilla, Resistance and Anti-Imperialist Front , also known as the "May Paper", appeared and was later printed in thedaily newspaper Tageszeitung. [ 100 ] This was the first policy paper in ten years and the last one ever. It is unclear who wrote the text. The group claims to have "emerged stronger than before due to the impact of the confrontation". It admits mistakes in its actions in 1977 and comes up with a new formula: "Guerrilla and resistance. One front". The authors paint a picture of an "anti-imperialist front" in Western Europe that has yet to be organized and that will work closely together on "coordinated militant projects". The RAF claims that there is a worldwide "unity of imperialist reaction". It goes on to say: "The developments in Western Europe have become a pivotal point in the worldwide conflict". The text is full of military terms such as front , offensive and mobilization . The RAF tried to win new supporters with this document. The autonomous groups in particular were called upon to cooperate. The resistance chapter of the May paper directly addresses thesquatter scenein Frankfurt, Hamburg and Berlin and calls on them to take larger actions. A group of twenty pioneers alone cannot create a revolutionary situation and is dependent on support from the so-called resistance. The document announces cooperation with other Western European terrorist groups, such as theAction DirecteinFrance, theBrigate RosseinItalyor theCellules Communistes Combattantesin Belgium. The document, also called the resistance paper , was not well received by the left-wing scene and, on the contrary, caused rejection. The paper contains sentences such as "If the guerrilla struggle is one's own cause, the realization of this can only be to place oneself - at whatever political and practical level - in the context of the guerrilla strategy." and was also condemned by leftists as being cumbersome and empty. The taz wrote in its commentary that the paper "covers up its own lack of perspective with powerful words." The left-wing newspaper emphatically rejected "the paternalism of a few political intellectuals who think they are particularly revolutionary because they have a machine gun in their cupboard. RAF - piss off!" [ 101 ] For the period after 1982 until the dissolution in 1998, there are no longer any programmatic policy documents from the third generation, but only letters of confession and justification for concrete actions and conflicts.
